While we often laud entrepreneurs as those following a passion to make the world a better place, the reality for many is that it’s the only option available after being made redundant. Research from the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP) in São Paulo explores how this scenario unfolded in Brazil after an economic crisis in 2014.
The entrepreneurs studied can be split into two groups: those who operate in the informal economy and those who sign up as “individual micro-entrepreneurs” (MEIs). MEIs follow a simple tax system for self-employed folks earning up to BRL 81,000 (around USD 16,300) per year. Across the country, more than 15 million people are now MEI registered, with over a million in São Paulo city alone.
Different types
The paper highlights that we often view entrepreneurship as part of a neoliberal capitalist strategy. It’s a view in which the so-called “Uberization of labor”, with its associated loss of labor rights are a key element.
Another perspective sees the growth of worker entrepreneurship as a mechanism of ideological persuasion, shifting responsibility to individuals for their success or failure and weakening their identity as workers.
The author aimed to move beyond these perspectives by exploring the historical and social origins of the entrepreneurial disposition in São Paulo’s periphery. The analysis considers the impact of gender roles on the development of an entrepreneurial disposition.
Moral values
Among men aged 50 or more, three sets of moral values were identified: “worker’s ethic,” “getting-by ethic,” and “provider’s ethic.” The “worker’s ethic” emphasizes the importance of working, regardless of the nature of the job, and avoiding criminal activities.
The “getting-by ethic” focuses on earning a livelihood to support the family, often through any available work. The “provider’s ethic” centers on men as breadwinners, aiming to overcome obstacles to provide a better life for their children. Women with children express a “caregiver’s ethic,” emphasizing the mother’s duty to be present for her children as they grow up.
There was also a generational divide in which of these a person was most likely to adopt. Younger people, around 30 years old, express a desire for professional fulfillment, sometimes dissatisfied with their current place in the labor market.
Finding meaning
There were also differences in the aspirations of people in terms of what they wanted to get out of entrepreneurship. Some individuals find meaning and fulfillment in entrepreneurship, considering it more than just a source of income.
The importance of emotional attachment, motivation, and a sense of purpose is also something that was an important point of difference. Not all interviewees identify themselves as entrepreneurs; some prefer terms like freelancers or self-employed workers.
Others viewed entrepreneurship as a solution to flexible work hours or extra income, while others saw it as a romanticized justification for their precarious status.
The research concludes that certain neoliberal prescriptions have become rooted in practices among urban working-class individuals. Urban workers are viewed as both agents of change and resistance to neoliberal logic, indicating a complex relationship between values expressed by entrepreneurs and “neoliberal reason.”
The author emphasizes the complexity of the relationship between entrepreneurial values and neoliberalism, highlighting the need for sociological analysis to understand the nuances and elements of resistance and contestation.
